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Find odd man out option weakness happiness kindness useless

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It is the test of a solid thought that it will bear a change of clothing. THE main design of this Dictionary is to provide a ready means of assistance when one is at a loss for a word or an expression that best suits a particular turn of thought or mood of the mind, or that may obviate an ungraceful repetition. Even practised and skilful writers are sometimes embarrassed in the endeavor to make a sentence more clear, simple, terse, or rhythmical, by the substitution of one form of diction for another. It is presumed that they, as well as novices in composition, will find the present work useful in overcoming difficulties of this sort. As to the method of using it: Whenever a doubt arises in regard to the fitness of any word, and a better one is not readily suggested, let the writer turn to this word in its alphabetical place. Under it will be found the words and phrases, or some clew to the words and phrases, which, in any connection, have the same meaning as itself, or a meaning very nearly the same.

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An important project in the philosophy of happiness is simply getting clear on what various writers are talking about: what are the important meanings of the term and how do they connect? This entry focuses on the psychological sense of happiness for the well-being notion, see the entry on well-being. The main accounts of happiness in this sense are hedonism, the life satisfaction theory, and the emotional state theory. Leaving verbal questions behind, we find that happiness in the psychological sense has always been an important concern of philosophers.

Yet the significance of happiness for a good life has been hotly disputed in recent decades. Further questions of contemporary interest concern the relation between the philosophy and science of happiness, as well as the role of happiness in social and political decision-making. What is happiness? This question has no straightforward answer, because the meaning of the question itself is unclear.

What exactly is being asked? In that case your inquiry is linguistic. Chances are you had something more interesting in mind: perhaps you want to know about the thing , happiness, itself. Is it pleasure, a life of prosperity, something else? In the first case our concern is simply a psychological matter.

What is this state of mind we call happiness? Typical answers to this question include life satisfaction, pleasure, or a positive emotional condition. Having answered that question, a further question arises: how valuable is this mental state? Perhaps you are a high-achieving intellectual who thinks that only ignoramuses can be happy. On this sort of view, happy people are to be pitied, not envied. The present article will center on happiness in the psychological sense.

In the second case, our subject matter is a kind of value , namely what philosophers nowadays tend to call prudential value —or, more commonly, well-being , welfare , utility or flourishing. For further discussion, see the entry on well-being. Whether these terms are really equivalent remains a matter of dispute, but this article will usually treat them as interchangeable.

To be high in well-being is to be faring well, doing well, fortunate, or in an enviable condition. Ill-being, or doing badly, may call for sympathy or pity, whereas we envy or rejoice in the good fortune of others, and feel gratitude for our own.

Being good for someone differs from simply being good, period: perhaps it is always good, period, for you to be honest; yet it may not always be good for you , as when it entails self-sacrifice. Importantly, to ascribe happiness in the well-being sense is to make a value judgment : namely, that the person has whatever it is that benefits a person. Objective list theorists, by contrast, think some things benefit us independently of our attitudes or feelings: there are objective prudential goods.

Aristotelians are the best-known example: they take well-being eudaimonia to consist in a life of virtuous activity—or more broadly, the fulfillment of our human capacities. A passive but contented couch potato may be getting what he wants, and he may enjoy it.

But he would not, on Aristotelian and other objective list theories, count as doing well, or leading a happy life. Now we can sharpen the initial question somewhat: when you ask what happiness is, are you asking what sort of life benefits a person? If so, then your question concerns matters of value, namely what is good for people—the sort of thing that ethical theorists are trained to address.

Alternatively, perhaps you simply want to know about the nature of a certain state of mind—happiness in the psychological sense. In this case, some sort of psychological inquiry will be needed, either philosophical or scientific.

Laypersons often have neither sort of question in mind, but are really asking about the sources of happiness. It leaves unanswered, or takes for granted, the question of just what happiness is , such that friends are a good source of it. Such failures have generated much confusion, sometimes yielding bogus disagreements that prove to be merely verbal.

Such researchers employ the term in the psychological sense. Arguably, both. Even later writers such as Mill may have used the term in its well-being sense, though it is often difficult to tell since well-being itself is often taken to consist in mental states like pleasure.

To be happy, it seems, is just to be in a certain sort of psychological state or condition. This psychological usage, arguably, predominates in the current vernacular. Nor, when asserting that a life satisfaction study shows Utahans to be happier than New Yorkers, are they committing themselves to the tendentious claim that Utahans are better off. If they are, then the psychology journals that are publishing this research may need to revise their peer-review protocols to include ethicists among their referees.

And the many recent popular books on happiness, as well as innumerable media accounts of research on happiness, nearly all appear to take it for granted that they are talking about nothing more than a psychological condition. Books of this sort appear to include Almeder , Annas , , McMahon , Noddings , White , though again it is not always clear how a given author uses the term.

For discussion of the well-being notion, see the entry on well-being. Philosophers have most commonly distinguished two accounts of happiness: hedonism , and the life satisfaction theory. Such arguments tend to grant the identification of happiness with pleasure, but challenge the idea that this should be our primary or sole concern, and often as well the idea that happiness is all that matters for well-being. This judgment may be more or less explicit, and may involve or accompany some form of affect.

Happiness on such a view is more nearly the opposite of depression or anxiety—a broad psychological condition—whereas hedonistic happiness is simply opposed to unpleasantness. For example, a deeply distressed individual might distract herself enough with constant activity to maintain a mostly pleasant existence—broken only by tearful breakdowns during the odd quiet moment—thus perhaps counting has happy on a hedonistic but not emotional state view.

The states involved in happiness, on an emotional state view, can range widely, far more so that the ordinary notion of mood or emotion. A fourth family of views, hybrid theories , attempts an irenic solution to our diverse intuitions about happiness: identify happiness with both life satisfaction and pleasure or emotional state, perhaps along with other states such as domain satisfactions. The most obvious candidate here is subjective well-being , which is typically defined as a compound of life satisfaction, domain satisfactions, and positive and negative affect.

Researchers often seem to identify happiness with subjective well-being, sometimes with life satisfaction, and perhaps most commonly with emotional or hedonic state. How do we determine which theory is correct? Traditional philosophical methods of conceptual or linguistic analysis can give us some guidance, indicating that some accounts offer a better fit with the ordinary concept of happiness.

Thus it has been argued that hedonism is false to the concept of happiness as we know it; the intuitions taken to support hedonism point instead to an emotional state view Haybron , , c. And some have argued that life satisfaction is compatible with profoundly negative emotional states like depression—a suffering artist might not value emotional matters much, and wholeheartedly affirm her life Carson , Davis b, Haybron , c, Feldman Yet it might seem counterintuitive to deem such a person happy.

We use the term to denote different things in different contexts, and often have no clear notion of what we are referring to. One candidate is practical utility: which conception of happiness best answers to our interests in the notion? We talk about happiness because we care about it. The question is why we care about it, and which psychological states within the extension of the ordinary term make the most sense of this concern. Even if there is no simple answer to the question what happiness is, it may well turn out that our interests in happiness cluster so strongly around a particular psychological kind that happiness can best, or most profitably, be understood in terms of that type of state Haybron , c.

Alternatively, we may choose to distinguish different varieties of happiness. It will be less important how we use the word, however, than that we be clear about the nature and significance of the states that interest us.

The debate over theories of happiness falls along a couple of lines. The most interesting questions concern the choice between life satisfaction and affect-based views like hedonism and the emotional state theory.

And we seem to care not just about the total quantity of good in our lives, but about its distribution—a happy ending, say, counts for more than a happy middle Slote , Velleman Second, life satisfaction seems more closely linked to our priorities than affect is, as the suffering artist case illustrates. While a focus on affect makes sense insofar as we care about such matters, most people care about other things as well, and how their lives are going relative to their priorities may not be fully mirrored in their affective states.

Life satisfaction theories thus seem to fit more closely with liberal ideals of individual sovereignty, on which how well my life is going for me is for me to decide. My satisfaction with my life seems to embody that judgment. Of course a theory of happiness need not capture everything that matters for well-being; the point is that a life satisfaction view might explain why we should care so much about happiness, and so enjoy substantive as well as intuitive support.

But several objections have been raised against life satisfaction views. The most common complaint has already been noted, namely that a person could apparently be satisfied with her life even while leading a highly unpleasant or emotionally distressed existence, and it can seem counterintuitive to regard such a person as happy see section 2. Two other objections are more substantive, raising questions about whether life satisfaction has the right sort of importance.

One concern is whether people often enough have well-grounded attitudes of life satisfaction or dissatisfaction. Some research, for instance, suggests that life satisfaction reports tend to reflect judgments made on the spot, drawing on whatever information comes readily to mind, with substantial influences by transient contextual factors like the weather, finding a dime, etc.

Schwarz and Strack Debate persists over whether this work undermines the significance of life satisfaction judgments, but it does raise a question whether life satisfaction attitudes tend to be well-enough grounded to have the kind of importance that people normally ascribe to happiness.

The third objection is somewhat intricate, so it will require some explaining. You might reasonably be satisfied when getting very little of what you want, or dissatisfied when getting most of what you want.

One reason for this is that people tend to have many incommensurable values, leaving it open how to add them up. Looking at the various ups and downs of your life, it may be arbitrary whether to rate your life a four out of ten, or a seven. Given your values, you might reasonably be satisfied with a two, or require a nine to be satisfied. While it may seem important how well people see their lives going relative to what they care about, it is not obviously so important whether people see their lives going well enough that they are willing to judge them satisfactory.

If life satisfaction attitudes are substantially arbitrary relative to subjective success, then people might reasonably base those attitudes on other factors, such as ethical ideals e. Shifts in perspective might also reasonably alter life satisfaction attitudes. After the funeral, you might be highly satisfied with your life, whereas the high school reunion leaves you dissatisfied; yet neither judgment need be mistaken, or less authoritative.

That people in a given country register high levels of life satisfaction may reflect nothing more than that they set the bar extremely low; they might be satisfied with anything short of pure agony.

Relative to what they care about, people in the dissatisfied nation could be better off than those in the satisfied nation. To take another example, a cancer patient might be more satisfied with his life than he was before the diagnosis, for he now looks at his life from a different perspective and emphasizes different virtues like fortitude and gratitude as opposed to say humility and non-complacency.

Yet he need not think himself better off at all: he might believe himself worse off than he was when he was less satisfied. For present purposes, the worry is that life satisfaction may not have the kind of significance happiness is normally thought to have. This may pose a difficulty for the identification of life satisfaction with happiness: for people frequently seem to use happiness as a proxy for well-being, a reasonably concrete and value-free stand-in that facilitates quick-and-dirty assessments of welfare.

Given the discovery that someone is happy, we might infer that he is doing well; if we learn that someone is unhappy, we may conclude that she is doing poorly.

Odd Quotes

An important project in the philosophy of happiness is simply getting clear on what various writers are talking about: what are the important meanings of the term and how do they connect? This entry focuses on the psychological sense of happiness for the well-being notion, see the entry on well-being. The main accounts of happiness in this sense are hedonism, the life satisfaction theory, and the emotional state theory. Leaving verbal questions behind, we find that happiness in the psychological sense has always been an important concern of philosophers.

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These furry creatures already get enough attention without an official day period of dedication. You will not catch me cooing every time a furry four-legged beast comes my way. Cue the inevitable cries of shock, disgust, and terror. Supposedly, humanity rests in pet adoration.

Odd Man Out of the Given Option

Cliches and expressions give us many wonderful figures of speech and words in the English language, as they evolve via use and mis-use alike. Many cliches and expressions - and words - have fascinating and surprising origins, and many popular assumptions about meanings and derivations are mistaken. These cliches, words and expressions origins and derivations illustrate the ever-changing complexity of language and communications, and are ideal free materials for word puzzles or quizzes, and team-building games. Cliches and expressions are listed alphabetically according to their key word, for example, 'save your bacon' is listed under 'b' for bacon. Some expressions with two key words are listed under each word. A commonly ignored reference source for many words and expressions origins - especially for common cliches that are not listed in slang and expressions dictionaries - is simply to use an ordinary decent English dictionary Oxford English Dictionary or Websters, etc , which will provide origins for most words and many related phrases see the 'strong relief' example below. The money slang section contains money slang and word origins and meanings, and English money history. The portmanteau words entry is a particularly interesting example of one of the very many different ways in which language evolves. The close relationship between society and language - especially the influence of French words in English history - is also fascinating, and this connection features in many words and expressions origins. The lingua franca entry also helps explain this, and the organic nature of language change and development.

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The Parts of Speech are the several kinds, or principal classes, into which words are divided by grammarians. Classes , under the parts of speech, are the particular sorts into which the several kinds of words are subdivided. Modifications are inflections, or changes, in the terminations, forms, or senses, of some kinds of words. An Article is the word the, an , or a , which we put before nouns to limit their signification: as, The air, the stars; an island, a ship.

I knew from the age of eight that I wanted to study history at Cambridge and become a historian. My identity lay in academic achievement, and my secular humanism was based on self-evident truths.

Trigger warning: The following post is one which discusses pre-term and neonatal loss and the process that many women and families go through when they have lost a baby. If you are feeling vulnerable at this time and this post does not speak to your experience, consider not reading it as it may cause you distress at a time when you are trying to regain strength. It is an experience that many will never need to make sense of and also one that many others will swim through unexpectedly.

The Grammar of English Grammars/Part II

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Skip to main content. Speak Your Mind Slam. Learn more about other poetry terms. To Hard to Understand. How I.

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"Anger, Grief, Humorous, Kindness, Joy" In Choose Odd Word, There are four You must choose which is the odd word. Choose or find odd word Option: A. Anger. B. Grief. C. Humorous. D. Kindness. E. Joy. Answer: C. Humorous.

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The Observer

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English Antonyms List

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How Oxford and Peter Singer drove me from atheism to Jesus

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